How Black and Palestinian Liberation Tactics Have Changed Over Time

Prince Shakur
7 min readNov 5, 2023

In moments of solidarity between oppressed communities, the path to justice is illuminated — Kwame Ture meeting with the early leaders of the PLO in the 1960s, Muhammad Ali speaking to a press conference about Palestinian self-determination, and Angela Davis’ long scholarship. Palestinian and Black solidarity is not only historical and enduring. It is needed today.

Amid the turbulence of the 1960s and 1970s, both the PLO and the BPP found common ground in their battles against injustice. Their shared struggle was a testament to the universal yearning for self-determination and freedom. The BPP, emblematic of Black American resistance to systemic racism and discrimination, and the PLO, fighting for Palestinian self-determination in the face of occupation, recognized in each other a kindred spirit in the quest for human rights and liberation.

As we delve into their shared history and examine the evolution of Black activist thought regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, we find that their story is not just one of the past; it is a guidepost for the future. The lessons of their solidarity are a source of inspiration and wisdom for the ongoing battles for justice and self-determination, reminding us that in unity, there is strength.

The PLO and BPP in the 1960s-70s

The PLO was founded in 1964 to represent the interests of the Palestinian people and their quest for self-determination. This was a period of intense turmoil in the Middle East, marked by the Israeli-Arab conflict, the Six-Day War in 1967, and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. The Palestinian territories were under Israeli control, and the PLO emerged as a central force in the fight against occupation and for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.

A decade before in 1956, Moshe Dayan, then chief of the Israeli Defense Force, said…

“Why should we deplore their burning hatred for us? For eight years they have been sitting in the refugee camps in Gaza, and before their eyes we have been transforming the lands and the villages, where they and their fathers dwelt, into our estate.”

Dayan’s statement can be seen as a reflection of colonialist attitudes and practices in the region. The transformation of Palestinian lands into “our estate” alludes to the colonial mindset that fueled the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories. This colonial context is fundamental to understanding the broader dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

John Lewis (foreground) is beaten by a state trooper in Selma, Alabama, on March 7, 1965. The future congressman suffered a fractured skull. | AP Photo

The Civil Rights Movement’s reliance on nonviolent resistance was seen by some as insufficient in the face of continued violence and oppression. This frustration led to the emergence of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense in 1966, founded by Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale. The BPP aimed to address racial injustice with a more assertive and proactive approach.

The BPP was grounded in the belief that Black communities had the right to defend themselves against violence and police brutality. They believed that self-defense, both in terms of physical protection and the safeguarding of civil rights, was crucial in a climate where Black individuals faced disproportionate violence at the hands of law enforcement. On the topic of Black power, Kwame Ture said in 1966, “The only way we gonna stop them white men from whuppin’ us is to take over. What we gonna start sayin’ now is Black Power! We want Black Power!”

From Non-violence to Something More Serious

Black Americans, inspired by leaders like Martin Luther King Jr., practiced non-violent resistance through sit-ins, boycotts, and peaceful protests. The Montgomery Bus Boycott, the March on Washington, and the Selma-to-Montgomery marches exemplify these efforts. The objective was to challenge segregation, gain voting rights, and combat systemic racism.

In the paper, “The Palestinian Intifada: An Effective Strategy?”, by James F. Miskel writes

Nonviolent demonstrations, school closures, labor strikes, boycotts of Israeli merchants, and the occasional stone-throwing by Palestinian youths at Israeli soldiers constituted the principal tactics of the first intifada. Israel's heavy-handed response to these protests was widely reported and se- verely criticized abroad. As diplomatic and political pressures on Israel began to build, however, Palestinian extremists instigated acts of violence against Israeli security forces and civilians that changed the character of the intifada. It has been suggested that the extremists, afraid that they would lose out to the proponents of nonviolence, took this path in order to regain political control.

The First Intifada commenced in December 1987 and played a pivotal role in the creation and strengthening of Hamas. Born in the context of widespread Palestinian protests and civil disobedience against Israeli occupation, Hamas, the Islamic Resistance Movement, emerged in 1987 as a response to perceived leadership gaps within the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). By 1987, almost half of Palestinians worked in Israel, leading to further surveillance and discrimination.

Demonstrators wave the Palestinian flag and chant slogans during a march by various groups, including "Black Lives Matter" and "Shut Down Trump and the RNC," ahead of the 2016 Republican convention in Cleveland. | Adrees Latif via Reuters

The emergence of the Black Panther Party in 1966 was a response to this frustration. The BPP adopted a more assertive stance, advocating for self-defense against police brutality and demanding community empowerment. While they promoted armed patrols, community programs, and education, their confrontational tactics and public display of firearms drew attention to the ongoing violence and oppression faced by Black Americans. The shift to a more confrontational approach represented the belief that self-determination and Black liberation required a more proactive and, at times, armed response.

Similarly, in the context of the First Intifada, Palestinian activists also turned to non-violent civil disobedience and grassroots mobilization in their struggle against Israeli occupation, a parallel to the shift from non-violent civil rights tactics to more assertive approaches in the United States.

In this evolving landscape, the emergence of Hamas as an Islamist organization during the First Intifada reflects the complexity of resistance movements and the diverse strategies employed to challenge occupation and assert self-determination. Hamas, with its fusion of religious and nationalist elements, highlighted the multifaceted nature of the Palestinian struggle, mirroring the shifts within the Black liberation movement from non-violence to more assertive forms of activism. These movements’ histories underscore the dynamic nature of resistance, where strategies evolve in response to changing circumstances and experiences of oppression.

One of the co-founders of the Black Panther Party once wrote, “Israel was created by Western imperialism and is maintained by Western firepower.”

Angela Davis, a lifelong ally of Palestine

On January 4, 2019, under the influence of influential members of the Birmingham community who held pro-Zionist views, the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute (BCRI) reversed its earlier decision to award Angela Davis, a distinguished Black scholar and activist, with its most prestigious accolade, the Fred Shuttlesworth Human Rights Award. Dr. Davis joined a lineage of Black internationalist voices who have faced backlash for their unwavering support for the Palestinian cause.

Davis, a longtime abolitionist and former political prisoner, has been a staunch supporter of Palestinian liberation since the 1960s, making her first visit there in 1983. In her book, Freedom is a Constant Struggle, Davis wrote of how the apartheid state of Palestine is still apparent today…

When I traveled to Palestine two years ago with a delegation of indigenous and women-of-color scholar/activists, it was the first time the members of the delegation had actually visited Palestine. Most of us had been involved for many years in Palestine solidarity work, but we were all thoroughly shocked to discover that the repression associated with Israeli settler colonialism was so evident and so blatant. The Israeli military made no attempt to conceal or even mitigate the character of the violence they inflicted on the Palestinian people. Gun carrying military men and women — many extremely young — were everywhere. The wall, the concrete, the razor wire everywhere conveyed the impression that we were in prison. Before Palestinians are even arrested, they are already in prison. One misstep and one can be arrested and hauled off to prison; one can be transferred from an openair prison to a closed prison.

Just as Angela Davis has stood alongside Palestinian activists in their fight for justice, her legacy reminds us that in the face of oppression and colonialism, the bonds of solidarity among Black and Palestinian communities can be a formidable force, propelling the shared pursuit of a more equitable and just world. In her tireless advocacy, Angela Davis demonstrates the profound impact individuals can have in bridging the divides between struggles for liberation, emphasizing that collective solidarity is the key to dismantling the chains of colonialism and achieving self-determination for all.

In studying the history of Black and Palestinian resistance and liberation, one crucial lesson becomes abundantly clear: the complexities of these struggles transcend the specific tactics employed. These movements have evolved over time, adapting to shifting circumstances and experiences of oppression. Studying this history reminds us that solidarity is a powerful force that transcends borders and ideologies.

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